EXAMINATION OF CERTAIN HYPOTHESES

FIVE

EXAMINATION OF CERTAIN HYPOTHESES

5. In this Chapter I propose to deal with three matters which were agitated before me at some length, though they have only a remote and indirect bearing on the facts under inquiry, viz.

1. what was the exact nature of relations between Nehru and Bose;

2. was Bose declared a war criminal, liable to be tried and punished by the special tribunal set up for this purpose; and

3. What is the significance of the earliest enquiries regarding Bose conducted by Intelligence and secret service personnel.

It will be seen at once, that the answers to these questions may throw some light on Bose’s attitude and his plans, but they cannot afford much assistance in the investigation of what happened on August 18, 1945. But since it has been argued that these matters are helpful in understanding Bose’s character and the plans he may be assumed to have made (when no positive evidence of such plans is available) they demand more than a passing reference in this report.

2. The argument relating to Nehru-Bose’s relationship was advanced with considerable vehemence. It was alleged that Nehru was hostile to Bose, and had been so, ever since Bose defeated Gandhiji’s nominee at the election for the Presidentship of the National Congress in 1939. Nehru looked upon Bose as a rival and, after India attained independence, a danger to his position as supreme leader and political head of India. Nehru, so it was argued, had never accepted the truth of the air crash story, and he knew that Bose was still alive. It was suggested in the course of arguments that Nehru was indeed, in some way, responsible for Bose not making a public appearance. Nehru, therefore, contrived to obtain a false report of Bose’s death by appointing a committee, the members of which he could control or influence.

3. To support this argument, reliance was placed on the supposedly hostile feeling between Bose and Nehru arising out of differences in their political ideologies. A statement attributed to Nehru was that if Bose invaded India with the assistance of the Japanese army, he (Nehru) would oppose Bose with the force of arms. It was also alleged that Nehru, at the invitation of Lord Mountbatten, went to Singapore in 1946, and there, agreed to some plan whereby Bose could be prevented from making himself manifest.

4. Let us first examine the political differences between Nehru and Bose, and see if there is evidence of any hostility or animus on the part of Nehru towards Bose. The Counsel for the Commission read extracts from a bunch of old letters by Jawaharlal Nehru, the authenticity of the contents of which was not challenged by anyone. These letters show that there were, no doubt, political differences between Bose and Nehru, and whereas Nehru was a more moderate politician, Bose was inclined to be more revolutionary and more impetuous. But we find no evidence whatsoever of any hostility, recrimination or vindictiveness on the part of Nehru. Indeed, before the unpleasantness caused by the presidential election of 1939, Bose had written to Nehru in the most affectionate and respectful terms. He wrote on March 4,1936: “I shall make the statement as short as possible and say clearly that I have definitely decided to give you my full support. Among the front rank leaders of today, you are the only one to whom we can look up to ‘for leading the Congress in a progressive direction.” Again, on 13^th March, 1936, he wrote to Nehru: “I can think of no one else in whom I could have greater confidence.” Writing on June 13,1936, he expressed concern about Nehru’s health, saying, “from the papers I gathered that you were over-working yourself and I was feeling concerned about your health. I am glad that you went to Mussoorie for a rest, though a short one. I can appreciate how difficult it is for you to avoid over-working yourself; nevertheless, I do hope that you will not strain yourself too much. It will not help anyone if you have a break down.” Again on October 19,1938, Bose writing to Nehru said, “you cannot imagine how I have missed you all these months. I realize, of course, that you needed a change very badly. I am only sorry that you did not give yourself enough physical rest. A.K.Chanda, writing on the eve of the presidential election on November 28, 1938, said to Nehru: “And if he (Gandhiji)met you now, he would, in all probability, seek your help in anger, regretting that differences had arisen in the National Congress. He said : “As I told you, your contest in the election has done some good and some harm. I recognize the good, but I am apprehensive of the harm that will follow. I still think that, in the balance, it would have been better if this particular conflict had not taken place in this way. But that is a thing of the past and we have to face the future.” Bose, however, appears to have taken the differences as a personal affront to his dignity and position. He did not reply to the long letter written by Nehru from which the above passage has been quoted, and later, Nehru wrote to his brother, Sarat Chandra Bose, in reply to a letter which the latter had sent, “but your letter hardly refers to any question of policy or programme. It deals with personal issues and brings serious charges against particular individuals. This brings the argument to a lower level and it is obvious that if such opinions are held by any individual or group against another, mutual cooperation in a common task becomes impossible. I do not know how far your letter represents Subhas’s views on the subject…I think it is desirable to have some kind of investigation into the various charges brought by you or others. It is improper that such charges should be made vaguely, and the fact that many people believe in them does not substantiate them. We cannot allow our public life to descend to a level of mutual recrimination…, I had hoped that it would be possible in these days of internal and external crisis to have a large measure of cooperation among Congress men, and laboured to this end at Tripuri and before…if there is to be conflict among Congress men, I earnestly hope that it will be kept on a higher level and will be confined to matters of policy and principle.”